Dr. Sayed
Hamidullah Rogh
Dec. 2001
Translated from Persian:
by Aemal Peroz
-What makes Watan party
different from PDPA?
-To whom does “National Reconciliation" belong?
-What should the party Intellectuals do?
Dear
friends!
The developments
in Afghanistan are entering a new stage now; obviously under the
pressure of certain realities and devices, which are undoubtedly
misleading and inaccurate. The idea, that Afghanistan is good only for a
conservative system has been withdrawn. Instead, now, under the
support of international community, the idea
of establishing a civil-state in Afghanistan, is taken for
consideration. The “Bonn conference for Afghanistan” opens a way
towards this very motive. The situation encourages growth of new forces
in the Afghan Society, the major inclination of which is a move from
dispersion towards centrality.
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Amongst
this, could we serve our efforts to cross the bridge progress from
dispersion towards a common political platform?
-
What is
our position?
-
Do we
have answers for the newly emerged issues of our country, which
invalidates our earlier thoughts? Or we have had only a single
recipe and without learning from life experiences and the undeniable
realities, we still recommend the same worn-out recipe?
-
Should we
convert our threads back to cotton and weave a new fabric or should
we only put a patch on holes and spots?
-
Have we
ever paid the slightest attention that each patch, made by this old
botcher, and puts a more disheveled burden on our shoulders?
1.
The scuffles which are to be addressed now and, if we are really
heading towards the future, then, we need to clarify them. One is
the question of ”National Reconciliation”. Whom does it belong to?
Surprisingly, those who, both in idea and practice, paid every bit of,
planned and unplanned, hostility against National Reconciliation, are
claiming (that the idea of) the National Reconciliation belongs to them.
“National Reconciliation” is not an individual idea. It is rather
the most significant product of the Afghan modern political thought, to
which, we should, consciously and conscientiously, remain grateful.
Also, to perceive the relation of its essence with the question of
emancipating the present Afghan dilemma, we ought to perform new and
serious works. In Afghanistan, from the historical view, the NR has its
roots in the era of “Constitutional Movement”, where the solutions for
the problems of the country were sought out through reconciliation and
peaceful methods and not through bloodshed and fatality. NR, as a
political concept, was addressed through the 16th plenum of
the Central Committee of PDPA. At that time the permission of using and
the “credibility” of this concept was counseled (dictated) from the
external sources as well. The suggestion of this concept and the “Ten
Theses”, in which this concept was framed at that of time, were, more
than anything, given the fact that PDPA has faced fundamental and
methodical difficulties in ratiocinating the idea and practice of what
was named “Sour Revolution”. Though as usual, efforts were made to
change the matter and connect it to the Soviet leadership. This
fundamental fact was constantly hidden away that the ideological and
practical crisis and troubles of the PDPA were deeply domestic by
nature. At this point of time, the NR was set-forth on the basis, and
the the purpose of “developing a social platform for the rule of the
people”. The intention from the Reconciliation, at this period of time
was to preserve and continue the present system. The system itself, its
theoretical and political principles, the sources providing legitimacy
to it and its elicitation from the posture of the country, reasons and
sources of the warfare in Afghanistan remained untouched. That is to
say that, the National Reconciliation, in spite of being supported by
the “theses”, was limited within the methodical measures. The
Reconciliation was defined within the framework of Leninist method of
“compromise” and in that particular style the “Methodical
Reconciliation” was talked out. The yield of the National
Reconciliation, at this period of time, was the assimilation of a number
of “agreeable non-Party figures” to the machinery of the State. In
political term, what was tried to be done at this time, in its best
form, was the gathering of samples from a “socialist pluralism” model,
in which the govt. Was attaching the opposition forces to itself,
without changing the basic foundation of political sovereignty.
The next stage, in the creation of the idea of National Reconciliation,
is linked to the life and efforts of Dr. Najibullah. The claim is
correct that Dr. Najibullah also got “replaced” according to the “Party
mode” and got to the leadership. But the personal background of Dr.
Najibullah did not pledge his historical figure. He set-forth the idea
of the “rescue of homeland” and for its fulfillment; he took extensive
actions in history.
At this period of time, the National Reconciliation got removed from the
methodical dead-end and got promoted to the level of an independent
political idea, which ought to open a substitute way for the “rescue of
homeland”. The arrangement for the matter of “rescue of homeland”, on
the basis of NR, got joined with reconsideration in all theoretical and
political foundations of the system.
The concept of “Saur Revolution” (April Revolution of 1978) and subject
to that “the anti-feudal and anti-imperialist function of the National
Democratic Revolution” got rejected and this conclusion was highlighted
that, that event was merely a coup. The transmission from the concept
of “Coup-d-etat” to the concept of “Revolution”, in spite of forming
theoretic basis, consist of rude mentality which resulted harsh
transgression of the realities of the country. Therefore the terms like
“the Change and the Event of Sour” got verbalized. The fundamental
essence of the “Saur Revolution’s” groundwork was questioned and
rejections rose up. “It was promised that this revolution will provide
clothes, shelter and food to the people. But what, in practice,
happened? Instead of food –bullet in stomach, instead of cloths
–grave-clothes and instead of shelter –grave is given to people...”
The concept of the class struggle and the concept authenticated by it
that the on-going war is a just and righteous one, because apparently it
is justly struggle of people, got rejected. The conclusion came under
consideration that the “process of separating the forces and the
inhabitants”, under whatever excuse they might be, is an anti-Afghan
process. The on going war is not that of the Afghans and they gain
nothing from either of the war sides. The passage for rescue of Afghans
and Afghanistan “does not pass through keeping the forces out-of-way but
passes through giving-up a part of the claim by the forces.”
The concept of “internationalis” was rejected. Instead of that
references were made to the “heritage of the Constitutional Movement”
and “the Afghan nationalism and patriotism” got adopted as base for
encounter. The autocratic conclusion of the Party, that whosoever is
with the Party is with us, had been rejected and was replaced by the
idea that whosoever is with the homeland (Afghanistan) is with us
too;
At this time the nature of the political system got reconsidered:
The concept of the single Party system got rejected. The monopoly (of
power) had been considered as the main source of the war and instead of
a single Party State, the establishing of the sovereignty of national
harmony of all the Afghans, became the target. Instead of single
Party dictatorship, political pluralism and democracy became habitual.
The expression of “Democratic” got removed from the Stale-Title of
Afghanistan. In political terms, the “socialist pluralism” got rejected
and “democratic pluralism” was adopted as a base for political practice,
which is based on division of power. The Constitution of the National
Reconciliation got prepared. The Constitution got enshrined as a
guarantor for the new system and democratic pluralism.
The National Reconciliation returned “us”, our two lost rings. Firstly,
it marked an end to a confrontation, caused by Marxist tendencies, among
the “Revulutionists” and Islamic believers, which have turned the nation
to a cafeteria. National Reconciliation set the political thoughts of
the Afghan Revolutionist on Islamic basis. Secondly, it put the last
hand to that self-alienation, which came into being among the Afghan
political forces –both, of Party or Factional-, because of the
“internationalist” relations and the social realities. The National
Reconciliation settled Afghan political thought on the National basis;
The unilateral, international attachment of the Government of
Afghanistan had been abolished. Reciprocated international relations
have been developed on the basis of “UN Peace Process”. The Government
of the Republic of Afghanistan remained, till the end, loyal to the “UN
Peace Process” and paved the way for establishment of a neutral
government. It signifies that the National Reconciliation, at this
point of time, was made a theoretic basis for establishing a political
system, which should be essentially new and, in the light of the UN
Peace Process, it should accomplish the establishment of a neutral
government in Afghanistan. At this period, within the political
authority of the PDPA, reconsideration took place in the political
set-up of Afghanistan. Since the Constitution of 1987 (1366 H) till the
Constitution on 1990 (1369 H), progressive political movement took place
in this course and in the Constitution of 1990 the monopolistic position
of the PDPA got removed and was replaced by leadership of the Afghan
Society.
Moreover, the political nature of the PDPA got reconsidered. “The Watan
Party: is the continuator of the historical experience of the PDPA,
mainly, or perhaps merely, because of this fact that it got established
on the basis of successive criticism of the idea and practice of the
PDPA. There is nothing such as a synonymy between Watan Party and the
PDPA. Those people, both, the supporters and the adherents of Watan
Party, who write as- PDPA, later Watan Party-, make immense political
mistakes.
PDPA was an idealistic Party and according to its manifesto, that
ideology was a Marxist – Leninist. The Watan Party rejected this
“fundamental principle”. In Watan Party’s program, the “National
Reconciliation” became the “introducer of the Party thought”. PDPA was
considering itself the pioneer of the struggle of workers for setting up
a society free from the exploitation of individual by individual. Watan
Party rejected the concept of the “pioneer Party” and the concept of
representing only one section of the society and also the concept that
the Party’s aim must be the foundation of an society based on
deductive reasoning. The name “Watan Party”, itself reflects this very
methodical change, that it does no longer represent the interests of
only one section of society but represents the interest of the whole
“nation” (Watan). The Watan Party declared that the issues in the
country are so much complicated that only a single force can not solve
them out, all alone and basically a unilateral solution, for the
problems of Afghanistan, is out of question. The issues, existing
before the Afghans, are above the issues of class and ideology and they
are general by nature and at the same time, they simply demand a common
reply from all the Afghans and can be solved only through the
contribution of all the Afghans. As such, for the termination of war,
establishment of peace, founding the rule of the nation harmony, the
Watan Party declared itself itself the Party of All Afghans. The PDPA
was considering itself as the Party of National Democratic Revolution
and the foundation of Revolutionary democratic dictatorship of the
proletariat/worker and peasant/farmer. The Watan Party rejected the
idea of National Democratic Revolution and set-forth the idea of the
rule of the national harmony, democratic pluralism, elections, the
representative government and “peacefull gradual revolution”.
It was exactly this way, that with a great theoretical and practical
effort, the National Reconciliation was adopted to demolish the war
generating circle and as so, the conclusion became possible that “the
presence of the Soviet troops in Afghanistan was not in harmony with
national interests of Afghanistan” and during the 5th
Anniversary of the Declaration of the Path of National Reconciliation,
the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan could get declared as
the “Rescue Day of Motherland” (Roz-e Nijat-e Watan). Such facts have
been taken for consideration, when it is said that for Najibullah, the
National Reconciliation changed to a political theory to replace the
theory of the PDPA.
Now, Mir Enayatullah Sadaat, in defense of the PDPA writes that:
“Najibullah, for the sake of a platform for a national bourgeoisie
Party, changed the manifesto of the Party, step by step.”
–Afghanistan: The land of epics and
disasters- pg. 213. Liyakhofski,
in his book, writes that as a new way to agree with the opposition,
Najibullah started “dispersing the former concept of the Party.” –The
storm in Afghanistan- pg. 138-. Azimi (Gen. Azimi) who
writes in his book that Najibullah “set-forth the National
Reconciliation from a point of weakness and compromise... and the
program of the National Reconciliation was constituting the preamble for
Dr. Najibullah’s compromise with the Mujahedeen leaders.” –Army and
Politics... pg. 331-. With all such explanations, they veil
the essence of these fundamental ideological and practical changes and
neglect the substantial relation of this change with the issue and the
basic morals that the Party was facing. That is to say, they
ignore the question of war and the question of termination of
this war. They simply
can not admit this very basic reality that end of the war in Afghanistan
was not only demanding –and still demands- the termination of hostile
thoughts of all sides but it was also asking the answer for this
question that how could the Party become capable and readies itself to
participate in the peace process, essentially in the future?
Najibullah demonstrated that the Party, the original stature of which is
made by “the scientific theory of class-struggle”, “has an indecent and
figureless stature” for participation in the matters of peace. Such
Party might be able to upraise a resurrection but can not be talented
enough to rise for peace. Only through playing a role and fundamental
reconsideration, in harmony with the idea of National Reconciliation, it
was possible to find an essentially new political identity and those
“progressive” forces that were confined within the deadlock of PDPA,
could became capable of changing into the real participants in the peace
process in Afghanistan, under such identity
2. In a document published in Holland the idea is nearly of such
content that in Afghanistan “...the basic problem through the twentieth
century, has not been the search for unity, but has been a search for
the historical choice...”. The Afghan thinker, Abdullah Naebi also
writes: “...here the difficulty is on the historical choice... and
putting off the progress of history in another direction...”.
In this
connection, in the light of the last word of the Afghan Marxism, two
questions could be propounded: Firstly, what will happen to the kismet
of those who did not and do not want to join the historical choice?
This group (of people), who on the basis of whatsoever reason, do not
wish to join and become a part of a historical choice, are they really
people or they are not? Under those circumstances what is our ‘moral
mission’ before this section of people and choices or lack of choices?
Secondly and much basically the question that: what is situated beyond
the historical choice? That is to say, how does that other side of the
sketch of the matter look like? In case every other force is just in
the matter of choosing the historical choice and escorting with it till
the extreme ends, then why do we raise fingers on fundamentalism? Are
fundamentalists, for instance Taliban, not after their historical
choice? It is here that the “liberal movement” of every political force
remains limited by a political field, which is relevant to all; and no
political force, on basis of whatever program, is allowed for deviation
from it. It is here that the search for unity, especially in a
situation of dispersion caused by the war, gains preference to that of
the historical choice. Because, in the absence of unity, a choice
-whether historical or non-historical- is basically not assumable. It
is here that the idea of national reconciliation, on the one hand, finds
substantial attachment with the principle of liberty and on the other
hand it provides the theoretical instruments of establishing a civil
Afghan society. In response to it, the righteousness and necessity of
nation reconciliation is in the establishment of the civil society in
Afghanistan, where it will manifest itself.
3. Now, after a long suspension, finally we set forth the question of
transmission from dispersion to political re-assembling. Right in this
very situation, why are we insistently, returning to the political
experience of Dr. Najibullah? Is our intention to pay homage to
Najibullah as a “leader beyond the Party” (Ghorbandi, A glance to the
history of PDPA, “Watan Party”, pg. 110)? Or we tend to refer the
heroic memoir of Dr. Najibullah in the context that he alone faced
the Pakistani invaders and under the dark shadows of the night where
“every traveler stands on trembling feet” he defended the honors of the
contemporary history of the motherland and marked his martyrdom like a
dragger on the Durand line (Plaston, Afghanistan in the pressure
of geo-politics, pg. 129 onwards). No, certainly it is not. Our
emphasis on returning to the political heritage of Dr. Najibullah, does
not look towards the past but the future. Dr. Najibullah was the only
figure in the political leadership of Afghanistan, in whose framework of
National Reconciliation theory, we can discover the foundation of a new
political identity, which will open our way towards participating in the
political future of Afghanistan.
The Watan Party was a new phenomenon in the political life of
Afghanistan, the original essence of which, means “the policy of
National Reconciliation”, remained unexplained in the fog of selfishness
and motivations of a few persons and as a consequence of their joining
of sick intentions in the absence of the will and knowledge of the party
activists.
Dear friends!
The matter of
the reorganizing our political activity raises two complicated questions
before us, which we must talk of, with complete specificity:
Initially, what is the base and theoretical framework of our political
activity in the future Afghanistan?
When we think
within the framework of PDPA, then the scientific study of the world and
the theory of “class-struggle” should be the guide of our actions; in
this case we must be able to explain, as during the 12 years since the
establishment of the Watan Party, what developments have taken place in
Afghanistan have taken place on “class” basis; is the Bonn Conference a
class phenomenon? Do we enter a class struggle by this conference and
its result? What could be the motives of class-struggle in the
conditions of establishment of peace and reconstruction in Afghanistan?
What is the meaning and scope of our political activity in the future?
For instance, could the dialogue and mutual understanding between
Afghans be explained on the basis of “class struggle”? Could the
expressions of refugees and the repatriation, and problems emanating
from this process, be called a “class” process? Is the reconstruction a
“class” process?
If not, then let
us frankly say that the reasons in the past, which have been the basic
causes for the abeyance of the Party activity, were the confused and
unproductive affairs of some leaders and party activists, who have tried
to address the “class” theories and ideas time and again to explain the
sequence of events in Afghanistan with such devices which we have
declared as incorrect and futile 12 years ago in the foundation Congress
of the Watan Party. That is how, we should know that returning under
the shelter of PDPA and the “scientific study” and the “theory of class
struggle”, is a return to the past and an incurable theoretical and
political dead-end which has no yield. And if we think within the
framework of the Watan Party then the “National Reconciliation is the
introducer of our thoughts”. Through this, we not only could explain
the developments of the past years with accuracy; keeping in mind all
the minute details; but we would also be able to properly explain the
issue of mutual understanding between the Afghans, including the Bonn
Conference and hold a position about it. We could also be able to
correctly mark the most significant targets of the political activities
in Afghanistan in the future and secure our participation in forthcoming
episodes in Afghanistan. It is only through the concept of National
Reconciliation that we could bring together and define the most
important and fundamental targets of our future political activity in
Afghanistan. The intention of our political activity is the
establishment of an Afghan civil society. Moreover, with the renewal of
thoughts about the “National Reconciliation” and its ups and downs, we
can exactly promote the former from a political approach to the level of
a political philosophy and look through the political movements in
Afghanistan with a new philosophical and intellectual approach.
Secondly, for
the same reason, the question of restoring the party activity is not
propounded in the old fashion. It is still for the same reason that the
methods of solutions that are taken for experience till now, in the form
of rebuilding more flanks, fractions, movements, groups and gatherings
have lead nowhere neither it has enough capacity. In such a condition,
first of all the question of the role and position of the former
leadership comes forth for consideration. Undoubtedly in connection
with the present condition of the party, the former leadership has
double guilt. On one hand some figures of the former leadership,
without informing the party activists, join there hands with
ill-intentions and on the other hand, since 1992, for the fear of being
questioned, they not only did not present any explanations about the
conditions of the party, but they also encouraged building flanks,
fractions and groupings and drove the party to retrogression. Those who
see the solution in deposing the former leadership have set their hearts
for some sort of fraudulence because basically it is not possible any
more to speak about the party as an organized unit in the previous
pattern. After years of disunited unity, now, the time has drawn a line
in betwee. Here is a time to say that the comrades of yesterday would
not walk on the same path anymore. Those who follow PDPA have a
separate way and those who follow the idea of “National Reconciliation”,
under the name of Watan party or whatever, has their own separate rout
from now on. Nothing except a common memory about a jeopardous past,
join these two. Perhaps we can praise this common memory but yet,
without hesitation we must bid a farewell to it. We have landed in such
a situation where the door, opening to future has a single key, which is
(fortunately) on our palm –and that is none other than ‘National
Reconciliation’.
____________________________________
Source: (from the
book) The Policy of National Reconciliation and the Personage of Dr.
Najibullah
-In Commemoration of the 7th Death Anniversary of Dr.
Najibullah, The Former President Of Afghanistan.
